History of the Conflict
between Religion and Science
By John William Draper . . .
Chapter 3
CHAPTER III.
CONFLICT RESPECTING THE DOCTRINE OF THE UNITY OF GOD. -- THE FIRST
OR SOUTHERN REFORMATION.
The Egyptians insist on the introduction of the worship of the Virgin
Mary -- They are resisted by Nestor, the Patriarch of Constantinople,
but eventually, through their influence with the emperor, cause
Nestor's exile and the dispersion of his followers.
Prelude to the Southern Reformation -- The Persian attack; its
moral effects.
The Arabian Reformation. -- Mohammed is brought in contact with
the Nestorians -- He adopts and extends their principles, rejecting
the worship of the Virgin, the doctrine of the Trinity, and every
thing in opposition to the unity of God. -- He extinguishes idolatry
in Arabia, by force, and prepares to make war on the Roman Empire.
-- His successors conquer Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, North Africa,
Spain, and invade France.
As the result of this conflict, the doctrine of the unity of God
was established in the greater part of the Roman Empire -- The cultivation
of science was restored, and Christendom lost many of her most illustrious
capitals, as Alexandria, Carthage, and, above all, Jerusalem.
THE policy of the Byzantine court had given to primitive Christianity
a paganized form, which it had spread over all the idolatrous populations
constituting the empire. There had been an amalgamation of the two
parties. Christianity had modified paganism, paganism had modified
Christianity. The limits of this adulterated religion were the confines
of the Roman Empire. With this great extension there had come to
the
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Christian party political influence and wealth. No insignificant
portion of the vast public revenues found their way into the treasuries
of the Church. As under such circumstances must ever be the case,
there were many competitors for the spoils -- men who, under the
mask of zeal for the predominant faith, sought only the enjoyment
of its emoluments.
Under the early emperors, conquest had reached its culmination;
the empire was completed; there remained no adequate objects for
military life; the days of war-peculation, and the plundering of
provinces, were over. For the ambitious, however, another path was
open; other objects presented. A successful career in the Church
led to results not unworthy of comparison with those that in former
days had been attained by a successful career in the army.
The ecclesiastical, and indeed, it may be said, much of the political
history of that time, turns on the struggles of the bishops of the
three great metropolitan cities -- Constantinople, Alexandria, Rome
-- for supremacy: Constantinople based her claims on the fact that
she was the existing imperial city; Alexandria pointed to her commercial
and literary position; Rome, to her souvenirs. But the Patriarch
of Constantinople labored under the disadvantage that he was too
closely under the eye, and, as he found to his cost, too often under
the hand, of the emperor. Distance gave security to the episcopates
of Alexandria and Rome.
Religious disputations in the East have generally turned on diversities
of opinion respecting the nature and attributes of God; in the West,
on the relations and life of man. This peculiarity has been strikingly
manifested in the transformations that Christianity has undergone
in Asia and Europe respectively. Accordingly,
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at the time of which we are speaking, all the Eastern provinces
of the Roman Empire exhibited an intellectual anarchy. There were
fierce quarrels respecting the Trinity, the essence of God, the
position of the Son, the nature of the Holy Spirit, the influences
of the Virgin Mary. The triumphant clamor first of one then of another
sect was confirmed, sometimes by miracle-proof, sometimes by bloodshed.
No attempt was ever made to submit the rival opinions to logical
examination. All parties, however, agreed in this, that the imposture
of the old classical pagan forms of faith was demonstrated by the
facility with which they had been overthrown. The triumphant ecclesiastics
proclaimed that the images of the gods had failed to defend themselves
when the time of trial came.
Polytheistic ideas have always been held in repute by the southern
European races, the Semitic have maintained the unity of God. Perhaps
this is due to the fact, as a recent author has suggested, that
a diversified landscape of mountains and valleys, islands, and rivers,
and gulfs, predisposes man to a belief in a multitude of divinities.
A vast sandy desert, the illimitable ocean, impresses him with an
idea of the oneness of God.
Political reasons had led the emperors to look with favor on the
admixture of Christianity and paganism, and doubtless by this means
the bitterness of the rivalry between those antagonists was somewhat
abated. The heaven of the popular, the fashionable Christianity
was the old Olympus, from which the venerable Greek divinities had
been removed. There, on a great white throne, sat God the Father,
on his right the Son, and then the blessed Virgin, clad in a golden
robe, and "covered with various female adornments;" on
the left sat God the Holy Ghost. Surrounding these
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thrones were hosts of angels with their harps. The vast expanse
beyond was filled with tables, seated at which the happy spirits
of the just enjoyed a perpetual banquet.
If, satisfied with this picture of happiness, illiterate persons
never inquired how the details of such a heaven were carried out,
or how much pleasure there could be in the ennui of such an eternally
unchanging, unmoving scene, it was not so with the intelligent.
As we are soon to see, there were among the higher ecclesiastics
those who rejected with sentiments of horror these carnal, these
materialistic conceptions, and raised their protesting voices in
vindication of the attributes of the Omnipresent, the Almighty God.
In the paganization of religion, now in all directions taking
place, it became the interest of every bishop to procure an adoption
of the ideas which, time out of mind, had been current in the community
under his charge. The Egyptians had already thus forced on the Church
their peculiar Trinitarian views; and now they were resolved that,
under the form of the adoration of the Virgin Mary, the worship
of Isis should be restored.
It so happened that Nestor, the Bishop of Antioch, who entertained
the philosophical views of Theodore of Mopsuestia, had been called
by the Emperor Theodosius the Younger to the Episcopate of Constantinople
(A. D. 427). Nestor rejected the base popular anthropomorphism,
looking upon it as little better than blasphemous, and pictured
to himself an awful eternal Divinity, who pervaded the universe,
and had none of the aspects or attributes of man. Nestor was deeply
imbued with the doctrines of Aristotle, and attempted to coordinate
them with what he considered to be orthodox
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Christian tenets. Between him and Cyril, the Bishop or Patriarch
of Alexandria, a quarrel accordingly arose. Cyril represented the
paganizing, Nestor the philosophizing party of the Church. This
was that Cyril who had murdered Hypatia. Cyril was determined that
the worship of the Virgin as the Mother of God should be recognized,
Nestor was determined that it should not. In a sermon delivered
in the metropolitan church at Constantinople, he vindicated the
attributes of the Eternal, the Almighty God. "And can this
God have a mother?" he exclaimed. In other sermons and writings,
he set forth with more precision his ideas that the Virgin should
be considered not as the Mother of God, but as the mother of the
human portion of Christ, that portion being as essentially distinct
from the divine as is a temple from its contained deity.
Instigated by the monks of Alexandria, the monks of Constantinople
took up arms in behalf of "the Mother of God." The quarrel
rose to such a pitch that the emperor was constrained to summon
a council to meet at Ephesus. In the mean time Cyril had given a
bribe of many pounds of gold to the chief eunuch of the imperial
court, and had thereby obtained the influence of the emperor's sister.
"The holy virgin of the court of heaven thus found an ally
of her own sex in the holy virgin of the emperor's court."
Cyril hastened to the council, attended by a mob of men and women
of the baser sort. He at once assumed the presidency, and in the
midst of a tumult had the emperor's rescript read before the Syrian
bishops could arrive. A single day served to complete his triumph.
All offers of accommodation on the part of Nestor were refused,
his explanations were not read, he was condemned unheard. On the
arrival of the Syrian ecclesiastics, a meeting of
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protest was held by them. A riot, with much bloodshed, ensued in
the cathedral of St. John. Nestor was abandoned by the court, and
eventually exiled to an Egyptian oasis. His persecutors tormented
him as long as he lived, by every means in their power, and at his
death gave out that "his blasphemous tongue had been devoured
by worms, and that from the heats of an Egyptian desert he had escaped
only into the hotter torments of hell!"
The overthrow and punishment of Nestor, however, by no means destroyed
his opinions. He and his followers, insisting on the plain inference
of the last verse of the first chapter of St. Matthew, together
with the fifty-fifth and fifty-sixth verses of the thirteenth of
the same gospel, could never be brought to an acknowledgment of
the perpetual virginity of the new queen of heaven. Their philosophical
tendencies were soon indicated by their actions. While their leader
was tormented in an African oasis, many of them emigrated to the
Euphrates, and established the Chaldean Church. Under their auspices
the college of Edessa was founded. From the college of Nisibis issued
those doctors who spread Nestor's tenets through Syria, Arabia,
India, Tartary, China, Egypt. The Nestorians, of course, adopted
the philosophy of Aristotle, and translated the works of that great
writer into Syriac and Persian. They also made similar translations
of later works, such as those of Pliny. In connection with the Jews
they founded the medical college of Djondesabour. Their missionaries
disseminated the Nestorian form of Christianity to such an extent
over Asia, that its worshipers eventually outnumbered all the European
Christians of the Greek and Roman Churches combined. It may be particularly
remarked that in Arabia they had a bishop.
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The dissensions between Constantinople and Alexandria had thus filled
all Western Asia with sectaries, ferocious in their contests with
each other, and many of them burning with hatred against the imperial
power for the persecutions it had inflicted on them. A religious
revolution, the consequences of which are felt in our own times,
was the result. It affected the whole world.
We shall gain a clear view of this great event, if we consider
separately the two acts into which it may be decomposed: 1. The
temporary overthrow of Asiatic Christianity by the Persians; 2.
The decisive and final reformation under the Arabians.
1. It happened (A. D. 590) that, by one of those revolutions so
frequent in Oriental courts, Chosroes, the lawful heir to the Persian
throne, was compelled to seek refuge in the Byzantine Empire, and
implore the aid of the Emperor Maurice. That aid was cheerfully
given. A brief and successful campaign restored Chosroes to the
throne of his ancestors.
But the glories of this generous campaign could not preserve Maurice
himself. A mutiny broke out in the Roman army, headed by Phocas,
a centurion. The statues of the emperor were overthrown. The Patriarch
of Constantinople, having declared that he had assured himself of
the orthodoxy of Phocas, consecrated him emperor. The unfortunate
Maurice was dragged from a sanctuary, in which he had sought refuge;
his five sons were beheaded before his eyes, and then he was put
to death. His empress was inveigled from the church of St. Sophia,
tortured, and with her three young daughters beheaded. The adherents
of the massacred family were pursued with ferocious vindictiveness;
of some the eyes were blinded, of others the tongues were
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torn out, or the feet and hands cut off, some were whipped to death,
others were burnt.
When the news reached Rome, Pope Gregory received it with exultation,
praying that the hands of Phocas might be strengthened against all
his enemies. As an equivalent for this subserviency, he was greeted
with the title of "Universal Bishop." The cause of his
action, as well as of that of the Patriarch of Constantinople, was
doubtless the fact that Maurice was suspected of Magrian tendencies,
into which he had been lured by the Persians. The mob of Constantinople
had hooted after him in the streets, branding him as a Marcionite,
a sect which believed in the Magian doctrine of two conflicting
principles.
With very different sentiments Chosroes heard of the murder of
his friend. Phocas had sent him the heads of Maurice and his sons.
The Persian king turned from the ghastly spectacle with horror,
and at once made ready to avenge the wrongs of his benefactor by
war.
The Exarch of Africa, Heraclius, one of the chief officers of
the state, also received the shocking tidings with indignation.
He was determined that the imperial purple should not be usurped
by an obscure centurion of disgusting aspect. "The person of
this Phocas was diminutive and deformed; the closeness of his shaggy
eyebrows, his red hair, his beardless chin, were in keeping with
his cheek, disfigured and discolored by a formidable scar. Ignorant
of letters, of laws, and even of arms, he indulged in an ample privilege
of lust and drunkenness." At first Heraclius refused tribute
and obedience to him; then, admonished by age and infirmities, he
committed the dangerous enterprise of resistance to his son of the
same name. A prosperous voyage
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from Carthage soon brought the younger Heraclius in front of Constantinople.
The inconstant clergy, senate, and people of the city joined him,
the usurper was seized in his palace and beheaded.
But the revolution that had taken place in Constantinople did
not arrest the movements of the Persian king. His Magian priests
had warned him to act independently of the Greeks, whose superstition,
they declared, was devoid of all truth and justice. Chosroes, therefore,
crossed the Euphrates; his army was received with transport by the
Syrian sectaries, insurrections in his favor everywhere breaking
out. In succession, Antioch, Cæsarea, Damascus fell; Jerusalem
itself was taken by storm; the sepulchre of Christ, the churches
of Constantine and of Helena were given to the flames; the Savior's
cross was sent as a trophy to Persia; the churches were rifled of
their riches; the sacred relics, collected by superstition, were
dispersed. Egypt was invaded, conquered, and annexed to the Persian
Empire; the Patriarch of Alexandria escaped by flight to Cyprus;
the African coast to Tripoli was seized. On the north, Asia Minor
was subdued, and for ten years the Persian forces encamped on the
shores of the Bosporus, in front of Constantinople.
In his extremity Heraclius begged for peace. "I will never
give peace to the Emperor of Rome," replied the proud Persian,
"till he has abjured his crucified God, and embraced the worship
of the sun." After a long delay terms were, however, secured,
and the Roman Empire was ransomed at the price of "a thousand
talents of gold, a thousand talents of silver, a thousand silk robes,
a thousand horses, and a thousand virgins."
But Heraclius submitted only for a moment. He found means not
only to restore his affairs but to retaliate
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on the Persian Empire. The operations by which he achieved this
result were worthy of the most brilliant days of Rome.
Though her military renown was thus recovered, though her territory
was regained, there was something that the Roman Empire had irrecoverably
lost. Religious faith could never be restored. In face of the world
Magianism had insulted Christianity, by profaning her most sacred
places -- Bethlehem, Gethsemane, Calvary -- by burning the sepulchre
of Christ, by rifling and destroying the churches, by scattering
to the winds priceless relics, by carrying off, with shouts of laughter,
the cross.
Miracles had once abounded in Syria, in Egypt, in Asia Minor;
there was not a church which had not its long catalogue of them.
Very often they were displayed on unimportant occasions and in insignificant
cases. In this supreme moment, when such aid was most urgently demanded,
not a miracle was worked.
Amazement filled the Christian populations of the East when they
witnessed these Persian sacrileges perpetrated with impunity. The
heavens should have rolled asunder, the earth should have opened
her abysses, the sword of the Almighty should have flashed in the
sky, the fate of Sennacherib should have been repeated. But it was
not so. In the land of miracles, amazement was followed by consternation
-- consternation died out in disbelief.
2. But, dreadful as it was, the Persian conquest was but a prelude
to the great event, the story of which we have now to relate --
the Southern revolt against Christianity. Its issue was the loss
of nine-tenths of her geographical possessions -- Asia, Africa,
and part of Europe.
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In the summer of 581 of the Christian era, there came to Bozrah,
a town on the confines of Syria, south of Damascus, a caravan of
camels. It was from Mecca, and was laden with the costly products
of South Arabia -- Arabia the Happy. The conductor of the caravan,
one Abou Taleb, and his nephew, a lad of twelve years, were hospitably
received and entertained at the Nestorian convent of the town.
The monks of this convent soon found that their young visitor,
Halibi or Mohammed, was the nephew of the guardian of the Caaba,
the sacred temple of the Arabs. One of them, by name Bahira, spared
no pains to secure his conversion from the idolatry in which he
had been brought up. He found the boy not only precociously intelligent,
but eagerly desirous of information, especially on matters relating
to religion.
In Mohammed's own country the chief object of Meccan worship was
a black meteoric stone, kept in the Caaba, with three hundred and
sixty subordinate idols, representing the days of the year, as the
year was then counted.
At this time, as we have seen, the Christian Church, through the
ambition and wickedness of its clergy, had been brought into a condition
of anarchy. Councils had been held on various pretenses, while the
real motives were concealed. Too often they were scenes of violence,
bribery, corruption. In the West, such were the temptations of riches,
luxury, and power, presented by the episcopates, that the election
of a bishop was often disgraced by frightful murders. In the East,
in consequence of the policy of the court of Constantinople, the
Church had been torn in pieces by contentions and schisms. Among
a countless host of disputants may be mentioned Arians, Basilidians,
Carpocratians,
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Collyridians, Eutychians, Gnostics, Jacobites, Marcionites, Marionites,
Nestorians, Sabellians, Valentinians. Of these, the Marionites regarded
the Trinity as consisting of God the Father, God the Son, and God
the Virgin Mary; the Collyridians worshiped the Virgin as a divinity,
offering her sacrifices of cakes; the Nestorians, as we have seen,
denied that God had "a mother." They prided themselves
on being the inheritors, the possessors of the science of old Greece.
But, though they were irreconcilable in matters of faith, there
was one point in which all these sects agreed -- ferocious hatred
and persecution of each other. Arabia, an unconquered land of liberty,
stretching from the Indian Ocean to the Desert of Syria, gave them
all, as the tide of fortune successively turned, a refuge. It had
been so from the old times. Thither, after the Roman conquest of
Palestine, vast numbers of Jews escaped; thither, immediately after
his conversion, St. Paul tells the Galatians that he retired. The
deserts were now filled with Christian anchorites, and among the
chief tribes of the Arabs many proselytes had been made. Here and
there churches had been built. The Christian princes of Abyssinia,
who were Nestorians, held the southern province of Arabia -- Yemen
-- in possession.
By the monk Bahira, in the convent at Bozrah, Mohammed was taught
the tenets of the Nestorians; from them the young Arab learned the
story of their persecutions. It was these interviews which engendered
in him a hatred of the idolatrous practices of the Eastern Church,
and indeed of all idolatry; that taught him, in his wonderful career,
never to speak of Jesus as the Son of God, but always as "Jesus,
the son of Mary." His untutored but active mind could not fail
to be profoundly impressed not only with the religious but also
with
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the philosophical ideas of his instructors, who gloried in being
the living representatives of Aristotelian science. His subsequent
career shows how completely their religious thoughts had taken possession
of him, and repeated acts manifest his affectionate regard for them.
His own life was devoted to the expansion and extension of their
theological doctrine, and, that once effectually established, his
successors energetically adopted and diffused their scientific,
their Aristotelian opinions.
As Mohammed grew to manhood, he made other expeditions to Syria.
Perhaps, we may suppose, that on these occasions the convent and
its hospitable in mates were not forgotten. He had a mysterious
reverence for that country. A wealthy Meccan widow Chadizah, had
intrusted him with the care of her Syrian trade. She was charmed
with his capacity and fidelity, and (since he is said to have been
characterized by the possession of singular manly beauty and a most
courteous demeanor) charmed with his person. The female heart in
all ages and countries is the same. She caused a slave to intimate
to him what was passing in her mind, and, for the remaining twenty-four
years of her life, Mohammed was her faithful husband. In a land
of polygamy, he never insulted her by the presence of a rival. Many
years subsequently, in the height of his power, Ayesha, who was
one of the most beautiful women in Arabia, said to him: "Was
she not old? Did not God give you in me a better wife in her place?"
"No, by God!" exclaimed Mohammed, and with a burst of
honest gratitude, "there never can be a better. She believed
in me when men despised me, she relieved me when I was poor and
persecuted by the world."
His marriage with Chadizah placed him in circumstances of ease,
and gave him an opportunity of indulging
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his inclination to religious meditation. It so happened that her
cousin Waraka, who was a Jew, had turned Christian. He was the first
to translate the Bible into Arabic. By his conversation Mohammed's
detestation of idolatry was confirmed.
After the example of the Christian anchorites in their hermitages
in the desert, Mohammed retired to a grotto in Mount Hera, a few
miles from Mecca, giving himself up to meditation and prayer. In
this seclusion, contemplating the awful attributes of the Omnipotent
and Eternal God, he addressed to his conscience the solemn inquiry,
whether he could adopt the dogmas then held in Asiatic Christendom
respecting the Trinity, the sonship of Jesus as begotten by the
Almighty, the character of Mary as at once a virgin, a mother, and
the queen of heaven, without incurring the guilt and the peril of
blasphemy.
By his solitary meditations in the grotto Mohammed was drawn to
the conclusion that, through the cloud of dogmas and disputations
around him, one great truth might be discerned -- the unity of God.
Leaning against the stem of a palm-tree, he unfolded his views on
this subject to his neighbors and friends, and announced to them
that he should dedicate his life to the preaching of that truth.
Again and again, in his sermons and in the Koran, he declared: "I
am nothing but a public preacher.... I preach the oneness of God."
Such was his own conception of his so-called apostleship. Henceforth,
to the day of his death, he wore on his finger a seal-ring on which
was engraved, "Mohammed, the messenger of God."
It is well known among physicians that prolonged fasting and mental
anxiety inevitably give rise to hallucination. Perhaps there never
has been any religious
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system introduced by self-denying, earnest men that did not offer
examples of supernatural temptations and supernatural commands.
Mysterious voices encouraged the Arabian preacher to persist in
his determination; shadows of strange forms passed before him. He
heard sounds in the air like those of a distant bell. In a nocturnal
dream he was carried by Gabriel from Mecca to Jerusalem, and thence
in succession through the six heavens. Into the seventh the angel
feared to intrude and Mohammed alone passed into the dread cloud
that forever enshrouds the Almighty. "A shiver thrilled his
heart as he felt upon his shoulder the touch of the cold hand of
God."
His public ministrations met with much resistance and little success
at first. Expelled from Mecca by the upholders of the prevalent
idolatry, he sought refuge in Medina, a town in which there were
many Jews and Nestorians; the latter at once became proselytes to
his faith. He had already been compelled to send his daughter and
others of his disciples to Abyssinia, the king of which was a Nestorian
Christian. At the end of six years he had made only fifteen hundred
converts. But in three little skirmishes, magnified in subsequent
times by the designation of the battles of Beder, of Ohud, and of
the Nations, Mohammed discovered that his most convincing argument
was his sword. Afterward, with Oriental eloquence, he said, "Paradise
will be found in the shadow of the crossing of swords." By
a series of well-conducted military operations, his enemies were
completely overthrown. Arabian idolatry was absolutely exterminated;
the doctrine he proclaimed, that "there is but one God,"
was universally adopted by his countrymen, and his own apostleship
accepted
Let us pass over his stormy life, and hear what he
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says when, on the pinnacle of earthly power and glory, he was approaching
its close.
Steadfast in his declaration of the unity of God, he departed
from Medina on his last pilgrimage to Mecca, at the head of one
hundred and fourteen thousand devotees, with camels decorated with
garlands of flowers and fluttering streamers. When he approached
the holy city, he uttered the solemn invocation: "Here am I
in thy service, O God! Thou hast no companion. To thee alone belongeth
worship. Thine alone is the kingdom. There is none to share it with
thee."
With his own hand he offered up the camels in sacrifice. He considered
that primeval institution to be equally sacred as prayer, and that
no reason can be alleged in support of the one which is not equally
strong in support of the other.
From the pulpit of the Caaba he reiterated, "O my hearers,
I am only a man like yourselves." They remembered that he had
once said to one who approached him with timid steps: "Of what
dost thou stand in awe? I am no king. I am nothing but the son of
an Arab woman, who ate flesh dried in the sun."
He returned to Medina to die. In his farewell to his congregation,
he said: "Every thing happens according to the will of God,
and has its appointed time, which can neither be hastened nor avoided.
I return to him who sent me, and my last command to you is, that
ye love, honor, and uphold each other, that ye exhort each other
to faith and constancy in belief, and to the performance of pious
deeds. My life has been for your good, and so will be my death."
In his dying agony, his head was reclined on the lap of Ayesha.
From time to time he had dipped his hand in a vase of water, and
moistened his face. At last he
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ceased, and, gazing steadfastly upward, said, in broken accents:
"O God -- forgive my sins -- be it so. I come."
Shall we speak of this man with disrespect? His precepts are,
at this day, the religious guide of one-third of the human race.
In Mohammed, who had already broken away from the ancient idolatrous
worship of his native country, preparation had been made for the
rejection of those tenets which his Nestorian teachers had communicated
to him, inconsistent with reason and conscience. And, though, in
the first pages of the Koran, he declares his belief in what was
delivered to Moses and Jesus, and his reverence for them personally,
his veneration for the Almighty is perpetually displayed. He is
horror-stricken at the doctrine of the divinity of Jesus, the Worship
of Mary as the mother of God, the adoration of images and paintings,
in his eyes a base idolatry. He absolutely rejects the Trinity,
of which he seems to have entertained the idea that it could not
be interpreted otherwise than as presenting three distinct Gods.
His first and ruling idea was simply religious reform -- to overthrow
Arabian idolatry, and put an end to the wild sectarianism of Christianity.
That he proposed to set up a new religion was a calumny invented
against him in Constantinople, where he was looked upon with detestation,
like that with which in after ages Luther was regarded in Rome.
But, though he rejected with indignation whatever might seem to
disparage the doctrine of the unity of God, he was not able to emancipate
himself from anthropomorphic conceptions. The God of the Koran is
altogether human, both corporeally and mentally, if such expressions
may with propriety be used. Very soon,
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however, the followers of Mohammed divested themselves of these
base ideas and rose to nobler ones.
The view here presented of the primitive character of Mohammedanism
has long been adopted by many competent authorities. Sir William
Jones, following Locke, regards the main point in the divergence
of Mohammedanism from Christianity to consist "in denying vehemently
the character of our Savior as the Son, and his equality as God
with the Father, of whose unity and attributes the Mohammedans entertain
and express the most awful ideas." This opinion has been largely
entertained in Italy. Dante regarded Mohammed only as the author
of a schism, and saw in Islamism only an Arian sect. In England,
Whately views it as a corruption of Christianity. It was an offshoot
of Nestorianism, and not until it had overthrown Greek Christianity
in many great battles, was spreading rapidly over Asia and Africa,
and had become intoxicated with its wonderful successes, did it
repudiate its primitive limited intentions, and assert itself to
be founded on a separate and distinct revelation.
Mohammed's life had been almost entirely consumed in the conversion
or conquest of his native country. Toward its close, however, he
felt himself strong enough to threaten the invasion of Syria and
Persia. He had made no provision for the perpetuation of his own
dominion, and hence it was not without a struggle that a successor
was appointed. At length Abubeker, the father of Ayesha, was selected.
He was proclaimed the first khalif, or successor of the Prophet.
There is a very important difference between the spread of Mohammedanism
and the spread of Christianity. The latter was never sufficiently
strong to over throw and extirpate idolatry in the Roman Empire.
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it advanced, there was an amalgamation, a union. The old forms of
the one were vivified by the new spirit of the other, and that paganization
to which reference has already been made was the result.
But, in Arabia, Mohammed overthrew and absolutely annihilated
the old idolatry. No trace of it is found in the doctrines preached
by him and his successors. The black stone that had fallen from
heaven -- the meteorite of the Caaba -- and its encircling idols,
passed totally out of view. The essential dogma of the new faith
-- "There is but one God" -- spread without any adulteration.
Military successes had, in a worldly sense made the religion of
the Koran profitable; and, no matter what dogmas may be, when that
is the case, there will be plenty of converts.
As to the popular doctrines of Mohammedanism, I shall here have
nothing to say. The reader who is interested in that matter will
find an account of them in a review of the Koran in the eleventh
chapter of my "History of the Intellectual Development of Europe."
It is enough now to remark that their heaven was arranged in seven
stories, and was only a palace of Oriental carnal delight. It was
filled with black-eyed concubines and servants. The form of God
was, perhaps, more awful than that of paganized Christianity. Anthropomorphism
will, however, never be obliterated from the ideas of the unintellectual.
Their God, at the best, will never be any thing more than the gigantic
shadow of a man -- a vast phantom of humanity -- like one of those
Alpine spectres seen in the midst of the clouds by him who turns
his back on the sun.
Abubeker had scarcely seated himself in the khalifate, when he
put forth the following proclamation:
In the name of the most merciful God! Abubeker
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to the rest of the true believers, health and happiness. The mercy
and blessing of God be upon you. I praise the most high God. I pray
for his prophet Mohammed.
"This is to inform you that I intend to send the true believers
into Syria, to take it out of the hands of the infidels. And I would
have you know that the fighting for religion is an act of obedience
to God."
On the first encounter, Khaled, the Saracen general, hard pressed,
lifted up his hands in the midst of his army and said: "O God!
these vile wretches pray with idolatrous expressions and take to
themselves another God besides thee, but we acknowledge thy unity
and affirm that there is no other God but thee alone. Help us, we
beseech thee, for the sake of thy prophet Mohammed, against these
idolaters." On the part of the Saracens the conquest of Syria
was conducted with ferocious piety. The belief of the Syrian Christians
aroused in their antagonists sentiments of horror and indignation.
"I will cleave the skull of any blaspheming idolater who says
that the Most Holy God, the Almighty and Eternal, has begotten a
son." The Khalif Omar, who took Jerusalem, commences a letter
to Heraclius, the Roman emperor: "In the name of the most merciful
God! Praise be to God, the Lord of this and of the other world,
who has neither female consort nor son." The Saracens nicknamed
the Christians "Associators," because they joined Mary
and Jesus as partners with the Almighty and Most Holy God.
It was not the intention of the khalif to command his army; that
duty was devolved on Abou Obeidah nominally, on Khaled in reality.
In a parting review the khalif enjoined on his troops justice, mercy,
and the observance of fidelity in their engagements he commanded
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them to abstain from all frivolous conversation and from wine, and
rigorously to observe the hours of prayer; to be kind to the common
people among whom they passed, but to show no mercy to their priests.
Eastward of the river Jordan is Bozrah, a strong town where Mohammed
had first met his Nestorian Christian instructors. It was one of
the Roman forts with which the country was dotted over. Before this
place the Saracen army encamped. The garrison was strong, the ramparts
were covered with holy crosses and consecrated banners. It might
have made a long defense. But its governor, Romanus, betrayed his
trust, and stealthily opened its gates to the besiegers. His conduct
shows to what a deplorable condition the population of Syria had
come. After the surrender, in a speech he made to the people he
had betrayed, he said: "I renounce your society, both in this
world and that to come. And I deny him that was crucified, and whosoever
worships him. And I choose God for my Lord, Islam for my faith,
Mecca for my temple, the Moslems for my brethren, Mohammed for my
prophet, who was sent to lead us in the right way, and to exalt
the true religion in spite of those who join partners with God."
Since the Persian invasion, Asia Minor, Syria, and even Palestine,
were full of traitors and apostates, ready to join the Saracens.
Romanus was but one of many thousands who had fallen into disbelief
through the victories of the Persians.
From Bozrah it was only seventy miles northward to Damascus, the
capital of Syria. Thither, without delay, the Saracen army marched.
The city was at once summoned to take its option -- conversion,
tribute, or the sword. In his palace at Antioch, barely one hundred
and fifty miles still farther north, the Emperor Heraclius
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received tidings of the alarming advance of his assailants. He at
once dispatched an army of seventy thousand men. The Saracens were
compelled to raise the siege. A battle took place in the plains
of Aiznadin, the Roman army was overthrown and dispersed. Khaled
reappeared before Damascus with his standard of the black eagle,
and after a renewed investment of seventy days Damascus surrendered.
From the Arabian historians of these events we may gather that
thus far the Saracen armies were little better than a fanatic mob.
Many of the men fought naked. It was not unusual for a warrior to
stand forth in front and challenge an antagonist to mortal duel.
Nay, more, even the women engaged in the combats. Picturesque narratives
have been handed down to us relating the gallant manner in which
they acquitted themselves.
From Damascus the Saracen army advanced northward, guided by the
snow-clad peaks of Libanus and the beautiful river Orontes. It captured
on its way Baalbec, the capital of the Syrian valley, and Emesa,
the chief city of the eastern plain. To resist its further progress,
Heraclius collected an army of one hundred and forty thousand men.
A battle took place at Yermuck; the right wing of the Saracens was
broken, but the soldiers were driven back to the field by the fanatic
expostulations of their women. The conflict ended in the complete
overthrow of the Roman army. Forty thousand were taken prisoners,
and a vast number killed. The whole country now lay open to the
victors. The advance of their army had been east of the Jordan.
It was clear that, before Asia Minor could be touched, the strong
and important cities of Palestine, which was now in their rear,
must be secured. There was a difference of opinion among the generals
in the field as
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to whether Cæsarea or Jerusalem should be assailed first.
The matter was referred to the khalif, who, rightly preferring the
moral advantages of the capture of Jerusalem to the military advantages
of the capture of Cæsarea, ordered the Holy City to be taken,
and that at any cost. Close siege was therefore laid to it. The
inhabitants, remembering the atrocities inflicted by the Persians,
and the indignities that had been offered to the Savior's sepulchre,
prepared now for a vigorous defense. But, after an investment of
four months, the Patriarch Sophronius appeared on the wall, asking
terms of capitulation. There had been misunderstandings among the
generals at the capture of Damascus, followed by a massacre of the
fleeing inhabitants. Sophronius, therefore, stipulated that the
surrender of Jerusalem should take place in presence of the khalif
himself Accordingly, Omar, the khalif, came from Medina for that
purpose. He journeyed on a red camel, carrying a bag of corn and
one of dates, a wooden dish, and a leathern water-bottle. The Arab
conqueror entered the Holy City riding by the side of the Christian
patriarch and the transference of the capital of Christianity to
the representative of Mohammedanism was effected without tumult
or outrage. Having ordered that a mosque should be built on the
site of the temple of Solomon, the khalif returned to the tomb of
the Prophet at Medina.
Heraclius saw plainly that the disasters which were fast settling
on Christianity were due to the dissensions of its conflicting sects;
and hence, while he endeavored to defend the empire with his armies,
he sedulously tried to compose those differences. With this view
he pressed for acceptance the Monothelite doctrine of the nature
of Christ. But it was now too late. Aleppo and
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Antioch were taken. Nothing could prevent the Saracens from overrunning
Asia Minor. Heraclius himself had to seek safety in flight. Syria,
which had been added by Pompey the Great, the rival of Cæsar,
to the provinces of Rome, seven hundred years previously -- Syria,
the birthplace of Christianity, the scene of its most sacred and
precious souvenirs, the land from which Heraclius himself had once
expelled the Persian intruder -- was irretrievably lost. Apostates
and traitors had wrought this calamity. We are told that, as the
ship which bore him to Constantinople parted from the shore, Heraclius
gazed intently on the receding hills, and in the bitterness of anguish
exclaimed, "Farewell, Syria, forever farewell!"
It is needless to dwell on the remaining details of the Saracen
conquest: how Tripoli and Tyre were betrayed; how Cæsarea
was captured; how with the trees of Libanus and the sailors of Phoenicia
a Saraeen fleet was equipped, which drove the Roman navy into the
Hellespont; how Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cyclades, were ravaged,
and the Colossus, which was counted as one of the wonders of the
world, sold to a Jew, who loaded nine hundred camels with its brass;
how the armies of the khalif advanced to the Black Sea, and even
lay in front of Constantinople -- all this was as nothing after
the fall of Jerusalem.
The fall of Jerusalem! the loss of the metropolis of Christianity!
In the ideas of that age the two antagonistic forms of faith had
submitted themselves to the ordeal of the judgment of God. Victory
had awarded the prize of battle, Jerusalem, to the Mohammedan; and,
notwithstanding the temporary successes of the Crusaders, after
much more than a thousand years in his hands it remains to this
day. The Byzantine historians
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are not without excuse for the course they are condemned for taking:
"They have wholly neglected the great topic of the ruin of
the Eastern Church." And as for the Western Church, even the
debased popes of the middle ages -- the ages of the Crusades --
could not see without indignation that they were compelled to rest
the claims of Rome as the metropolis of Christendom on a false legendary
story of a visit of St. Peter to that city; while the true metropolis,
the grand, the sacred place of the birth, the life, the death of
Christ himself, was in the hands of the infidels! It has not been
the Byzantine historians alone who have tried to conceal this great
catastrophe. The Christian writers of Europe on all manner of subjects,
whether of history, religion, or science, have followed a similar
course against their conquering antagonists. It has been their constant
practice to hide what they could not depreciate, and depreciate
what they could not hide.
I have not space, nor indeed does it comport with the intention
of this work, to relate, in such detail as I have given to the fall
of Jerusalem, other conquests of the Saracens -- conquests which
eventually established a Mohammedan empire far exceeding in geographical
extent that of Alexander, and even that of Rome. But, devoting a
few words to this subject, it may be said that Magianism received
a worse blow than that which had been inflicted on Christianity;
The fate of Persia was settled at the battle of Cadesia. At the
sack of Ctesiphon, the treasury, the royal arms, and an unlimited
spoil, fell into the hands of the Saracens. Not without reason do
they call the battle of Nehavend the victory of victories."
In one direction they advanced to the Caspian, in the other southward
along the Tigris to Persepolis. The Persian king fled for his
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life over the great Salt Desert, from the columns and statues of
that city which had lain in ruins since the night of the riotous
banquet of Alexander. One division of the Arabian army forced the
Persian monarch over the Oxus. He was assassinated by the Turks.
His son was driven into China, and became a captain in the Chinese
emperor's guards. The country beyond the Oxus was reduced. It paid
a tribute of two million pieces of gold. While the emperor at Peking
was demanding the friendship of the khalif at Medina, the standard
of the Prophet was displayed on the banks of the Indus.
Among the generals who had greatly distinguished themselves in
the Syrian wars was Amrou, destined to be the conqueror of Egypt;
for the khalifs, not content with their victories on the North and
East, now turned their eyes to the West, and prepared for the annexation
of Africa. As in the former cases, so in this, sectarian treason
assisted them. The Saracen army was hailed as the deliverer of the
Jacobite Church; the Monophysite Christians of Egypt, that is, they
who, in the language of the Athanasian Creed, confounded the substance
of the Son, proclaimed, through their leader, Mokaukas, that they
desired no communion with the Greeks, either in this world or the
next, that they abjured forever the Byzantine tyrant and his synod
of Chalcedon. They hastened to pay tribute to the khalif, to repair
the roads and bridges, and to supply provisions and intelligence
to the invading army.
Memphis, one of the old Pharaonic capitals, soon fell, and Alexandria
was invested. The open sea behind gave opportunity to Heraclius
to reënforce the garrison continually. On his part, Omar, who
was now khalif sent to the succor of the besieging army the veteran
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troops of Syria. There were many assaults and many sallies. In one
Amrou himself was taken prisoner by the besieged, but, through the
dexterity of a slave, made his escape. After a siege of fourteen
months, and a loss of twenty-three thousand men, the Saracens captured
the city. In his dispatch to the Khalif, Amrou enumerated the splendors
of the great city of the West "its four thousand palaces, four
thousand baths, four hundred theatres, twelve thousand shops for
the sale of vegetable food, and forty thousand tributary Jews."
So fell the second great city of Christendom -- the fate of Jerusalem
had fallen on Alexandria, the city of Athanasius, and Arius, and
Cyril; the city that had imposed Trinitarian ideas and Mariolatry
on the Church. In his palace at Constantinople Heraclius received
the fatal tidings. He was overwhelmed with grief. It seemed as if
his reign was to be disgraced by the downfall of Christianity. He
lived scarcely a month after the loss of the town.
But if Alexandria had been essential to Constantinople in the
supply of orthodox faith, she was also essential in the supply of
daily food. Egypt was the granary of the Byzantines. For this reason
two attempts were made by powerful fleets and armies for the recovery
of the place, and twice had Amrou to renew his conquest. He saw
with what facility these attacks could be made, the place being
open to the sea; he saw that there was but one and that a fatal
remedy. "By the living God, if this thing be repeated a third
time I will make Alexandria as open to anybody as is the house of
a prostitute!" He was better than his word, for he forthwith
dismantled its fortifications, and made it an untenable place.
It was not the intention of the khalifs to limit their
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conquest to Egypt. Othman contemplated the annexation of the entire
North-African coast. His general, Abdallah, set out from Memphis
with forty thousand men, passed through the desert of Barca, and
besieged Tripoli. But, the plague breaking out in his army, he was
compelled to retreat to Egypt.
All attempts were now suspended for more than twenty years. Then
Akbah forced his way from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean. In front
of the Canary Islands he rode his horse into the sea, exclaiming:
"Great God! if my course were not stopped by this sea, I would
still go on to the unknown kingdoms of the West, preaching the unity
of thy holy name, and putting to the sword the rebellious nations
who worship any other gods than thee."
These Saracen expeditions had been through the interior of the
country, for the Byzantine emperors, controlling for the time the
Mediterranean, had retained possession of the cities on the coast.
The Khalif Abdalmalek at length resolved on the reduction of Carthage,
the most important of those cities, and indeed the capital of North
Africa. His general, Hassan, carried it by escalade; but reënforcements
from Constantinople, aided by some Sicilian and Gothic troops, compelled
him to retreat. The relief was, however, only temporary. Hassan,
in the course of a few months renewed his attack. It proved successful,
and he delivered Carthage to the flames.
Jerusalem, Alexandria, Carthage, three out of the five great Christian
capitals, were lost. The fall of Constantinople was only a question
of time. After its fall, Rome alone remained.
In the development of Christianity, Carthage had played no insignificant
part. It had given to Europe
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its Latin form of faith, and some of its greatest theologians. It
was the home of St. Augustine.
Never in the history of the world had there been so rapid and
extensive a propagation of any religion as Mohammedanism. It was
now dominating from the Altai Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean, from
the centre of Asia to the western verge of Africa.
The Khalif Alwalid next authorized the invasion of Europe, the
conquest of Andalusia, or the Region of the Evening. Musa, his general,
found, as had so often been the case elsewhere, two effective allies
sectarianism and treason -- the Archbishop of Toledo and Count Julian
the Gothic general. Under their lead, in the very crisis of the
battle of Xeres, a large portion of the army went over to the invaders;
the Spanish king was compelled to flee from the field, and in the
pursuit he was drowned in the waters of the Guadalquivir.
With great rapidity Tarik, the lieutenant of Musa, pushed forward
from the battle-field to Toledo, and thence northward. On the arrival
of Musa the reduction of the Spanish peninsula was completed, and
the wreck of the Gothic army driven beyond the Pyrenees into France.
Considering the conquest of Spain as only the first step in his
victories, he announced his intention of forcing his way into Italy,
and preaching the unity of God in the Vatican. Thence he would march
to Constantinople, and, having put all end to the Roman Empire and
Christianity, would pass into Asia and lay his victorious sword
on the footstool of the khalif at Damascus.
But this was not to be. Musa, envious of his lieutenant, Tarik,
had treated him with great indignity. The friends of Tarik at the
court of the khalif found means of retaliation. An envoy from Damascus
arrested
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Musa in his camp; he was carried before his sovereign, disgraced
by a public whipping, and died of a broken heart.
Under other leaders, however, the Saracen conquest of France was
attempted. In a preliminary campaign the country from the mouth
of the Garonne to that of the Loire was secured. Then Abderahman,
the Saracen commander, dividing his forces into two columns, with
one on the east passed the Rhone, and laid siege to Arles. A Christian
army, attempting the relief of the place, was defeated with heavy
loss. His western column, equally successful, passed the Dordogne,
defeated another Christian army, inflicting on it such dreadful
loss that, according to its own fugitives, "God alone could
number the slain." All Central France was now overrun; the
banks of the Loire were reached; the churches and monasteries were
despoiled of their treasures; and the tutelar saints, who had worked
so many miracles when there was no necessity, were found to want
the requisite power when it was so greatly needed.
The progress of the invaders was at length stopped by Charles
Martel (A. D. 732). Between Tours and Poictiers, a great battle,
which lasted seven days, was fought. Abderahman was killed, the
Saracens retreated, and soon afterward were compelled to recross
the Pyrenees.
The banks of the Loire, therefore, mark the boundary of the Mohammedan
advance in Western Europe. Gibbon, in his narrative of these great
events, makes this remark: "A victorious line of march had
been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar
to the banks of the Loire -- a repetition of an equal space would
have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands
of Scotland."
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It is not necessary for me to add to this sketch of the military
diffusion of Mohammedanism, the operations of the Saracens on the
Mediterranean Sea, their conquest of Crete and Sicily, their insult
to Rome. It will be found, however, that their presence in Sicily
and the south of Italy exerted a marked influence on the intellectual
development of Europe.
Their insult to Rome! What could be more humiliating than the
circumstances under which it took place (A. D. 846)? An insignificant
Saracen expedition entered the Tiber and appeared before the walls
of the city. Too weak to force an entrance, it insulted and plundered
the precincts, sacrilegiously violating the tombs of St. Peter and
St. Paul. Had the city itself been sacked, the moral effect could
not have been greater. From the church of St. Peter its altar of
silver was torn away and sent to Africa -- St. Peter's altar, the
very emblem of Roman Christianity!
Constantinople had already been besieged by the Saracens more
than once; its fall was predestined, and only postponed. Rome had
received the direst insult, the greatest loss that could be inflicted
upon it; the venerable churches of Asia Minor had passed out of
existence; no Christian could set his foot in Jerusalem without
permission; the Mosque of Omar stood on the site of the Temple of
Solomon. Among the ruins of Alexandria the Mosque of Mercy marked
the spot where a Saracen general, satiated with massacre, had, in
contemptuous compassion, spared the fugitive relics of the enemies
of Mohammed; nothing remained of Carthage but her blackened ruins.
The most powerful religious empire that the world had ever seen
had suddenly come into existence. It stretched from the Atlantic
Ocean to the Chinese Wall, from the shores of the Caspian to
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those of the Indian Ocean, and yet, in one sense, it had not reached
its culmination. The day was to come when it was to expel the successors
of the Cæsars from their capital, and hold the peninsula of
Greece in subjection, to dispute with Christianity the empire of
Europe in the very centre of that continent, and in Africa to extend
its dogmas and faith across burning deserts and through pestilential
forests from the Mediterranean to regions southward far beyond the
equinoetial line.
But, though Mohammedanism had not reached its culmination, the
dominion of the khalifs had. Not the sword of Charles Martel, but
the internal dissension of the vast Arabian Empire, was the salvation
of Europe. Though the Ommiade Khalifs were popular in Syria, elsewhere
they were looked upon as intruders or usurpers; the kindred of the
apostle was considered to be the rightful representative of his
faith. Three parties, distinguished by their colors, tore the khalifate
asunder with their disputes, and disgraced it by their atrocities.
The color of the Ommiades was white, that of the Fatimites green,
that of the Abassides black; the last represented the party of Abbas,
the uncle of Mohammed. The result of these discords was a tripartite
division of the Mohammedan Empire in the tenth century into the
khalifates of Bagdad, of Cairoan, and of Cordova. Unity in Mohammedan
political action was at an end, and Christendom found its safeguard,
not in supernatural help, but in the quarrels of the rival potentates.
To internal animosities foreign pressures were eventually added
and Arabism, which had done so much for the intellectual advancement
of the world, came to an end when the Turks and the Berbers attained
to power.
The Saracens had become totally regardless of European opposition
-- they were wholly taken up with their
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domestic quarrels. Ockley says with truth, in his history: "The
Saracens had scarce a deputy lieutenant or general that would not
have thought it the greatest affront, and such as ought to stigmatize
him with indelible disgrace, if he should have suffered himself
to have been insulted by the united forces of all Europe. And if
any one asks why the Greeks did not exert themselves more, in order
to the extirpation of these insolent invaders, it is a sufficient
answer to any person that is acquainted with the characters of those
men to say that Amrou kept his residence at Alexandria, and Moawyah
at Damascus."
As to their contempt, this instance may suffice: Nicephorus, the
Roman emperor, had sent to the Khalif Haroun-al-Raschid a threatening
letter, and this was the reply: "In the name of the most merciful
God, Haroun-al-Raschid, commander of the faithful, to Nicephorus,
the Roman dog! I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving
mother. Thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold my reply!" It
was written in letters of blood and fire on the plains of Phrygia.
A nation may recover the confiscation of its provinces, the confiscation
of its wealth; it may survive the imposition of enormous war-fines;
but it never can recover from that most frightful of all war-acts,
the confiscation of its women. When Abou Obeidah sent to Omar news
of his capture of Antioch, Omar gently upbraided him that he had
not let the troops have the women. "If they want to marry in
Syria, let them; and let them have as many female slaves as they
have occasion for." It was the institution of polygamy, based
upon the confiscation of the women in the vanquished countries,
that secured forever the Mohammedan rule. the children of these
unions gloried in their descent
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from their conquering fathers. No better proof can be given of the
efficacy of this policy than that which is furnished by North Africa.
The irresistible effect of polygamy in consolidating the new order
of things was very striking. In little more than a single generation,
the Khalif was informed by his officers that the tribute must cease,
for all the children born in that region were Mohammedans, and all
spoke Arabic.
Mohammedanism, as left by its founder, was an anthropomorphic
religion. Its God was only a gigantic man, its heaven a mansion
of carnal pleasures. From these imperfect ideas its more intelligent
classes very soon freed themselves, substituting for them others
more philosophical, more correct. Eventually they attained to an
accordance with those that have been pronounced in our own times
by the Vatican Council as orthodox. Thus Al-Gazzali says: "A
knowledge of God cannot be obtained by means of the knowledge a
man has of himself, or of his own soul. The attributes of God cannot
be determined from the attributes of man. His sovereignty and government
can neither be compared nor measured."
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