History of the Conflict between Religion and Science
By By John William Draper . . .
CHAPTER I.
THE ORIGIN OF SCIENCE.
Religious condition of the Greeks in the fourth century before Christ.
-- Their invasion of the Persian Empire brings them in contact with
new aspects of Nature, and familiarizes them with new religious
systems. -- The military, engineering, and scientific activity,
stimulated by the Macedonian campaigns, leads to the establishment
in Alexandria of an institute, the Museum, for the cultivation of
knowledge by experiment, observation, and mathematical discussion.
-- It is the origin of Science.
No spectacle can be presented to the thoughtful mind more solemn,
more mournful, than that of the dying of an ancient religion, which
in its day has given consolation to many generations of men.
Four centuries before the birth of Christ, Greece was fast outgrowing
her ancient faith. Her philosophers, in their studies of the world,
had been profoundly impressed with the contrast between the majesty
of the operations of Nature and the worthlessness of the divinities
of Olympus. Her historians, considering the orderly course of political
affairs, the manifest
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uniformity in the acts of men, and that there was no event occurring
before their eyes for which they could not find an obvious cause
in some preceding event, began to suspect that the miracles and
celestial interventions, with which the old annals were filled,
were only fictions. They demanded, when the age of the supernatural
had ceased, why oracles had become mute, and why there were now
no more prodigies in the world.
Traditions, descending from immemorial antiquity, and formerly
accepted by pious men as unquestionable truths, had filled the islands
of the Mediterranean and the conterminous countries with supernatural
wonders -- enchantresses, sorcerers, giants, ogres, harpies, gorgons,
centaurs, cyclops. The azure vault was the floor of heaven; there
Zeus, surrounded by the gods with their wives and mistresses, held
his court, engaged in pursuits like those of men, and not refraining
from acts of human passion and crime.
A sea-coast broken by numerous indentations, an archipelago with
some of the most lovely islands in the world, inspired the Greeks
with a taste for maritime life, for geographical discovery, and
colonization. Their ships wandered all over the Black and Mediterranean
Seas. The time-honored wonders that had been glorified in the "Odyssey,"
and sacred in public faith, were found to have no existence. As
a better knowledge of Nature was obtained, the sky was shown to
be an illusion; it was discovered that there is no Olympus, nothing
above but space and stars. With the vanishing of their habitation,
the gods disappeared, both those of the Ionian type of Homer and
those of the Doric of Hesiod.
But this did not take place without resistance. At first, the
public, and particularly its religious portion, denounced
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the rising doubts as atheism. They despoiled some of the offenders
of their goods, exiled others; some they put to death. They asserted
that what had been believed by pious men in the old times, and had
stood the test of ages, must necessarily be true. Then, as the opposing
evidence became irresistible, they were content to admit that these
marvels were allegories under which the wisdom of the ancients had
concealed many sacred and mysterious things. They tried to reconcile,
what now in their misgivings they feared might be myths, with their
advancing intellectual state. But their efforts were in vain, for
there are predestined phases through which on such an occasion public
opinion must pass. What it has received with veneration it begins
to doubt, then it offers new interpretations, then subsides into
dissent, and ends with a rejection of the whole as a mere fable.
In their secession the philosophers and historians were followed
by the poets. Euripides incurred the odium of heresy. Æschylus
narrowly escaped being stoned to death for blasphemy. But the frantic
efforts of those who are interested in supporting delusions must
always end in defeat. The demoralization resistlessly extended through
every branch of literature, until at length it reached the common
people.
Greek philosophical criticism had lent its aid to Greek philosophical
discovery in this destruction of the national faith. It sustained
by many arguments the wide-spreading unbelief. It compared the doctrines
of the different schools with each other, and showed from their
contradictions that man has no criterion of truth; that, since his
ideas of what is good and what is evil differ according to the country
in which he lives, they can have no foundation in Nature, but must
be altogether
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the result of education; that right and wrong are nothing more than
fictions created by society for its own purposes. In Athens, some
of the more advanced classes had reached such a pass that they not
only denied the unseen, the supernatural, they even affirmed that
the world is only a day-dream, a phantasm, and that nothing at all
exists.
The topographical configuration of Greece gave an impress to her
political condition. It divided her people into distinct communities
having conflicting interests, and made them incapable of centralization.
Incessant domestic wars between the rival states checked her advancement.
She was poor, her leading men had become corrupt. They were ever
ready to barter patriotic considerations for foreign gold, to sell
themselves for Persian bribes. Possessing a perception of the beautiful
as manifested in sculpture and architecture to a degree never attained
elsewhere either before or since, Greece had lost a practical appreciation
of the Good and the True.
While European Greece, full of ideas of liberty and independence,
rejected the sovereignty of Persia, Asiatic Greece acknowledged
it without reluctance. At that time the Persian Empire in territorial
extent was equal to half of modern Europe. It touched the waters
of the Mediterranean, the Ægean, the Black, the Caspian, the
Indian, the Persian, the Red Seas. Through its territories there
flowed six of the grandest rivers in the world -- the Euphrates,
the Tigris, the Indus, the Jaxartes, the Oxus, the Nile, each more
than a thousand miles in length. Its surface reached from thirteen
hundred feet below the sea-level to twenty thousand feet above.
It yielded, therefore, every agricultural product. Its mineral wealth
was boundless. It inherited the
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prestige of the Median, the Babylonian, the Assyrian, the Chaldean
Empires, whose annals reached back through more than twenty centuries.
Persia had always looked upon European Greece as politically insignificant,
for it had scarcely half the territorial extent of one of her satrapies.
Her expeditions for compelling its obedience had, however, taught
her the military qualities of its people. In her forces were incorporated
Greek mercenaries, esteemed the very best of her troops. She did
not hesitate sometimes to give the command of her armies to Greek
generals, of her fleets to Greek captains. In the political convulsions
through which she had passed, Greek soldiers had often been used
by her contending chiefs. These military operations were attended
by a momentous result. They revealed, to the quick eye of these
warlike mercenaries, the political weakness of the empire and the
possibility of reaching its centre. After the death of Cyrus on
the battle-field of Cunaxa, it was demonstrated, by the immortal
retreat of the ten thousand under Xenophon, that a Greek army could
force its way to and from the heart of Persia.
That reverence for the military abilities of Asiatic generals,
so profoundly impressed on the Greeks by such engineering exploits
as the bridging of the Hellespont, and the cutting of the isthmus
at Mount Athos by Xerxes, had been obliterated at Salamis, Platea,
Mycale. To plunder rich Persian provinces had become an irresistible
temptation. Such was the expedition of Agesilaus, the Spartan king,
whose brilliant successes were, however, checked by the Persian
government resorting to its time-proved policy of bribing the neighbors
of Sparta to attack her. "I have been conquered by thirty thousand
Persian archers," bitterly exclaimed
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Agesilaus, as he reëmbarked, alluding to the Persian coin,
the Daric, which was stamped with the image of an archer.
At length Philip, the King of Macedon, projected a renewal of
these attempts, under a far more formidable organization, and with
a grander object. He managed to have himself appointed captain-general
of all Greece not for the purpose of a mere foray into the Asiatic
satrapies, but for the overthrow of the Persian dynasty in the very
centre of its power. Assassinated while his preparations were incomplete,
he was succeeded by his son Alexander, then a youth. A general assembly
of Greeks at Corinth had unanimously elected him in his father's
stead. There were some disturbances in Illyria; Alexander had to
march his army as far north as the Danube to quell them. During
his absence the Thebans with some others conspired against him.
On his return he took Thebes by assault. He massacred six thousand
of its inhabitants, sold thirty thousand for slaves, and utterly
demolished the city. The military wisdom of this severity was apparent
in his Asiatic campaign. He was not troubled by any revolt in his
rear.
In the spring B. C. 334 Alexander crossed the Hellespont into
Asia. His army consisted of thirty-four thousand foot and four thousand
horse. He had with him only seventy talents in money. He marched
directly on the Persian army, which, vastly exceeding him in strength,
was holding the line of the Granicus. He forced the passage of the
river, routed the enemy, and the possession of all Asia Minor, with
its treasures, was the fruit of the victory. The remainder of that
year he spent in the military organization of the conquered provinces.
Meantime Darius, the Persian king, had
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advanced an army of six hundred thousand men to prevent the passage
of the Macedonians into Syria. In a battle that ensued among the
mountain-defiles at Issus, the Persians were again overthrown. So
great was the slaughter that Alexander, and Ptolemy, one of his
generals, crossed over a ravine choked with dead bodies. It was
estimated that the Persian loss was not less than ninety thousand
foot and ten thousand horse. The royal pavilion fell into the conqueror's
hands, and with it the wife and several of the children of Darius.
Syria was thus added to the Greek conquests. In Damascus were found
many of the concubines of Darius and his chief officers, together
with a vast treasure.
Before venturing into the plains of Mesopotamia for the final
struggle, Alexander, to secure his rear and preserve his communications
with the sea, marched southward down the Mediterranean coast, reducing
the cities in his way. In his speech before the council of war after
Issus, he told his generals that they must not pursue Darius with
Tyre unsubdued, and Persia in possession of Egypt and Cyprus, for,
if Persia should regain her seaports, she would transfer the war
into Greece, and that it was absolutely necessary for him to be
sovereign at sea. With Cyprus and Egypt in his possession he felt
no solicitude about Greece. The siege of Tyre cost him more than
half a year. In revenge for this delay, he crucified, it is said,
two thousand of his prisoners. Jerusalem voluntarily surrendered,
and therefore was treated leniently: but the passage of the Macedonian
army into Egypt being obstructed at Gaza, the Persian governor of
which, Betis, made a most obstinate defense, that place, after a
siege of two months, was carried by assault, ten thousand of its
men were massacred, and the rest, with their wives and children,
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sold into slavery. Betis himself was dragged alive round the city
at the chariot-wheels of the conqueror. There was now no further
obstacle. The Egyptians, who detested the Persian rule, received
their invader with open arms. He organized the country in his own
interest, intrusting all its military commands to Macedonian officers,
and leaving the civil government in the hands of native Egyptians.
While preparations for the final campaign were being made, he
undertook a journey to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, which was situated
in an oasis of the Libyan Desert, at a distance of two hundred miles.
The oracle declared him to be a son of that god who, under the form
of a serpent, had beguiled Olympias, his mother. Immaculate conceptions
and celestial descents were so currently received in those days,
that whoever had greatly distinguished himself in the affairs of
men was thought to be of supernatural lineage. Even in Rome, centuries
later, no one could with safety have denied that the city owed its
founder, Romulus, to an accidental meeting of the god Mars with
the virgin Rhea Sylvia, as she went with her pitcher for water to
the spring. The Egyptian disciples of Plato would have looked with
anger on those who rejected the legend that Perictione, the mother
of that great philosopher, a pure virgin, had suffered an immaculate
conception through the influences of Apollo, and that the god had
declared to Ariston, to whom she was betrothed, the parentage of
the child. When Alexander issued his letters, orders, and decrees,
styling himself "King Alexander, the son of Jupiter Ammon,"
they came to the inhabitants of Egypt and Syria with an authority
that now can hardly be realized. The free-thinking Greeks, however,
put on such a supernatural
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pedigree its proper value. Olympias, who, of course, better than
all others knew the facts of the case, used jestingly to say, that
"she wished Alexander would cease from incessantly embroiling
her with Jupiter's wife." Arrian, the historian of the Macedonian
expedition, observes, "I cannot condemn him for endeavoring
to draw his subjects into the belief of his divine origin, nor can
I be induced to think it any great crime, for it is very reasonable
to imagine that he intended no more by it than merely to procure
the greater authority among his soldiers."
All things being thus secured in his rear, Alexander, having returned
into Syria, directed the march of his army, now consisting of fifty
thousand veterans, eastward. After crossing the Euphrates, he kept
close to the Masian hills, to avoid the intense heat of the more
southerly Mesopotamian plains; more abundant forage could also thus
be procured for the cavalry. On the left bank of the Tigris, near
Arbela, he encountered the great army of eleven hundred thousand
men brought up by Darius from Babylon. The death of the Persian
monarch, which soon followed the defeat he suffered, left the Macedonian
general master of all the countries from the Danube to the Indus.
Eventually he extended his conquest to the Ganges. The treasures
he seized are almost beyond belief. At Susa alone he found -- so
Arrian says -- fifty thousand talents in money.
The modern military student cannot look upon these wonderful campaigns
without admiration. The passage of the Hellespont; the forcing of
the Granicus; the winter spent in a political organization of conquered
Asia Minor; the march of the right wing and centre of the army along
the Syrian Mediterranean coast; the engineering difficulties overcome
at the siege of Tyre; the
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storming of Gaza; the isolation of Persia from Greece; the absolute
exclusion of her navy from the Mediterranean; the check on all her
attempts at intriguing with or bribing Athenians or Spartans, heretofore
so often resorted to with success; the submission of Egypt; another
winter spent in the political organization of that venerable country;
the convergence of the whole army from the Black and Red Seas toward
the nitre-covered plains of Mesopotamia in the ensuing spring; the
passage of the Euphrates fringed with its weeping-willows at the
broken bridge of Thapsacus; the crossing of the Tigris; the nocturnal
reconnaissance before the great and memorable battle of Arbela;
the oblique movement on the field; the piercing of the enemy's centre
-- a manoeuvre destined to be repeated many centuries subsequently
at Austerlitz; the energetic pursuit of the Persian monarch; these
are exploits not surpassed by any soldier of later times.
A prodigious stimulus was thus given to Greek intellectual activity.
There were men who had marched with the Macedonian army from the
Danube to the Nile, from the Nile to the Ganges. They had felt the
hyperborean blasts of the countries beyond the Black Sea, the simooms
and sand-tempests of the Egyptian deserts. They had seen the Pyramids
which had already stood for twenty centuries, the hieroglyph-covered
obelisks of Luxor, avenues of silent and mysterious sphinxes, colossi
of monarchs who reigned in the morning of the world. In the halls
of Esar-haddon they had stood before the thrones of grim old Assyrian
kings, guarded by winged bulls. In Babylon there still remained
its walls, once more than sixty miles in compass, and, after the
ravages of three centuries and three conquerors, still more than
eighty feet in height; there
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were still the ruins of the temple of cloud encompassed Bel, on
its top was planted the observatory wherein the weird Chaldean astronomers
had held nocturnal communion with the stars; still there were vestiges
of the two palaces with their hanging gardens in which were great
trees growing in mid-air, and the wreck of the hydraulic machinery
that had supplied them with water from the river. Into the artificial
lake with its vast apparatus of aqueducts and sluices the melted
snows of the Armenian mountains found their way, and were confined
in their course through the city by the embankments of the Euphrates.
Most wonderful of all, perhaps, was the tunnel under the river-bed.
If Chaldea, Assyria, Babylon, presented stupendous and venerable
antiquities reaching far back into the night of time, Persia was
not without her wonders of a later date. The pillared halls of Persepolis
were filled with miracles of art -- carvings, sculptures, enamels,
alabaster libraries, obelisks, sphinxes, colossal bulls. Ecbatana,
the cool summer retreat of the Persian kings, was defended by seven
encircling walls of hewn and polished blocks, the interior ones
in succession of increasing height, and of different colors, in
astrological accordance with the seven planets. The palace was roofed
with silver tiles, its beams were plated with gold. At midnight,
in its halls the sunlight was rivaled by many a row of naphtha cressets.
A paradise -- that luxury of the monarchs of the East -- was planted
in the midst of the city. The Persian Empire, from the Hellespont
to the Indus, was truly the garden of the world.
I have devoted a few pages to the story of these marvelous campaigns,
for the military talent they fostered led to the establishment of
the mathematical and
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practical schools of Alexandria, the true origin of science. We
trace back all our exact knowledge to the Macedonian campaigns.
Humboldt has well observed that an introduction to new and grand
objects of Nature enlarges the human mind. The soldiers of Alexander
and the hosts of his camp-followers encountered at every march unexpected
and picturesque scenery. Of all men, the Greeks were the most observant,
the most readily and profoundly impressed. Here there were interminable
sandy plains, there mountains whose peaks were lost above the clouds.
In the deserts were mirages, on the hill-sides shadows of fleeting
clouds sweeping over the forests. They were in a land of amber-colored
date-palms and cypresses, of tamarisks, green myrtles, and oleanders.
At Arbela they had fought against Indian elephants; in the thickets
of the Caspian they had roused from his lair the lurking royal tiger.
They had seen animals which, compared with those of Europe, were
not only strange, but colossal -- the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus,
the camel, the crocodiles of the Nile and the Ganges. They had encountered
men of many complexions and many costumes: the swarthy Syrian, the
olive-colored Persian. the black African. Even of Alexander himself
it is related that on his death-bed he caused his admiral, Nearchus,
to sit by his side, and found consolation in listening to the adventures
of that sailor -- the story of his voyage from the Indus up the
Persian Gulf. The conqueror had seen with astonishment the ebbing
and flowing of the tides. He had built ships for the exploration
of the Caspian, supposing that it and the Black Sea might be gulfs
of a great ocean, such as Nearchus had discovered the Persian and
Red Seas to be. He had formed a resolution that his fleet should
attempt the
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circumnavigation of Africa, and come into the Mediterranean through
the Pillars of Hercules -- a feat which, it was affirmed, had once
been accomplished by the Pharaohs.
Not only her greatest soldiers, but also her greatest philosophers,
found in the conquered empire much that might excite the admiration
of Greece. Callisthenes obtained in Babylon a series of Chaldean
astronomical observations ranging back through 1,903 years; these
he sent to Aristotle. Perhaps, since they were on burnt bricks,
duplicates of them may be recovered by modern research in the clay
libraries of the Assyrian kings. Ptolemy, the Egyptian astronomer,
possessed a Babylonian record of eclipses, going back 747 years
before our era. Long-continued and close observations were necessary,
before some of these astronomical results that have reached our
times could have been ascertained. Thus the Babylonians had fixed
the length of a tropical year within twenty-five seconds of the
truth; their estimate of the sidereal year was barely two minutes
in excess. They had detected the precession of the equinoxes. They
knew the causes of eclipses, and, by the aid of their cycle called
Saros, could predict them. Their estimate of the value of that cycle,
which is more than 6,585 days, was within nineteen and a half minutes
of the truth.
Such facts furnish incontrovertible proof of the patience and
skill with which astronomy had been cultivated in Mesopotamia, and
that, with very inadequate instrumental means, it had reached no
inconsiderable perfection. These old observers had made a catalogue
of the stars, had divided the zodiac into twelve signs; they had
parted the day into twelve hours, the night into twelve. They had,
as Alistotle says, for a long time devoted themselves to observations
of star-occultations
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by the moon. They had correct views of the structure of the solar
system, and knew the order of the emplacement of the planets. They
constructed sundials, clepsydras, astrolabes, gnomons.
Not without interest do we still look on specimens of their method
of printing. Upon a revolving roller they engraved, in cuneiform
letters, their records, and, running this over plastic clay formed
into blocks, produced ineffaceable proofs. From their tile-libraries
we are still to reap a literary and historical harvest. They were
not without some knowledge of optics. The convex lens found at Nimroud
shows that they were not unacquainted with magnifying instruments.
In arithmetic they had detected the value of position in the digits,
though they missed the grand Indian invention of the cipher.
What a spectacle for the conquering Greeks, who, up to this time,
had neither experimented nor observed! They had contented themselves
with mere meditation and useless speculation.
But Greek intellectual development, due thus in part to a more
extended view of Nature, was powerfully aided by the knowledge then
acquired of the religion of the conquered country. The idolatry
of Greece had always been a horror to Persia, who, in her invasions,
had never failed to destroy the temples and insult the fanes of
the bestial gods. The impunity with which these sacrileges had been
perpetrated had made a profound impression, and did no little to
undermine Hellenic faith. But now the worshiper of the vile Olympian
divinities, whose obscene lives must have been shocking to every
pious man, was brought in contact with a grand, a solemn, a consistent
religious system having its foundation on a philosophical basis.
Persia,
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as is the case with all empires of long duration, had passed through
many changes of religion. She had followed the Monotheism of Zoroaster;
had then accepted Dualism, and exchanged that for Magianism. At
the time of the Macedonian expedition, she recognized one universal
Intelligence, the Creator, Preserver, and Governor of all things,
the most holy essence of truth, the giver of all good. He was not
to be represented by any image, or any graven form. And, since,
in every thing here below, we see the resultant of two opposing
forces, under him were two coequal and coeternal principles, represented
by the imagery of Light and Darkness. These principles are in never-ending
conflict. The world is their battle-ground, man is their prize.
In the old legends of Dualism, the Evil Spirit was said to have
sent a serpent to ruin the paradise which the Good Spirit had made.
These legends became known to the Jews during their Babylonian captivity.
The existence of a principle of evil is the necessary incident
of the existence of a principle of good, as a shadow is the necessary
incident of the presence of light. In this manner could be explained
the occurrence of evil in a world, the maker and ruler of which
is supremely good. Each of the personified principles of light and
darkness, Ormuzd and Ahriman, had his subordinate angels, his counselors,
his armies. It is the duty of a good man to cultivate truth, purity,
and industry. He may look forward, when this life is over, to a
life in another world, and trust to a resurrection of the body,
the immortality of the soul, and a conscious future existence.
In the later years of the empire, the principles of Magianism
had gradually prevailed more and more over those of Zoroaster. Magianism
was essentially a worship
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of the elements. Of these, fire was considered as the most worthy
representative of the Supreme Being. On altars erected, not in temples,
but under the blue canopy of the sky, perpetual fires were kept
burning, and the rising sun was regarded as the noblest object of
human adoration. In the society of Asia, nothing is visible but
the monarch; in the expanse of heaven, all objects vanish in presence
of the sun.
Prematurely cut off in the midst of many great projects Alexander
died at Babylon before he had completed his thirty-third year (B.
C. 323). There was a suspicion that he had been poisoned. His temper
had become so unbridled, his passion so ferocious, that his generals
and even his intimate friends lived in continual dread. Clitus,
one of the latter, he in a moment of fury had stabbed to the heart.
Callisthenes, the intermedium between himself and Aristotle, he
had caused to be hanged, or, as was positively asserted by some
who knew the facts, had had him put upon the rack and then crucified.
It may have been in self-defense that the conspirators resolved
on his assassination. But surely it was a calumny to associate the
name of Aristotle with this transaction. He would have rather borne
the worst that Alexander could inflict, than have joined in the
perpetration of so great a crime.
A scene of confusion and bloodshed lasting many years ensued,
nor did it cease even after the Macedonian generals had divided
the empire. Among its vicissitudes one incident mainly claims our
attention. Ptolemy, who was a son of King Philip by Arsinoe, a beautiful
concubine, and who in his boyhood had been driven into exile with
Alexander, when they incurred their father's displeasure, who had
been Alexander's comrade
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in many of his battles and all his campaigns, became governor and
eventually king of Egypt.
At the siege of Rhodes, Ptolemy had been of such signal service
to its citizens that in gratitude they paid divine honors to him,
and saluted him with the title of Soter (the Savior). By that designation
-- Ptolemy Soter -- he is distinguished from succeeding kings of
the Macedonian dynasty in Egypt.
He established his seat of government not in any of the old capitals
of the country, but in Alexandria. At the time of the expedition
to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, the Macedonian conqueror had caused
the foundations of that city to be laid, foreseeing that it might
be made the commercial entrepot between Asia and Europe. It is to
be particularly remarked that not only did Alexander himself deport
many Jews from Palestine to people the city, and not only did Ptolemy
Soter bring one hundred thousand more after his siege of Jerusalem,
but Philadelphus, his successor, redeemed from slavery one hundred
and ninety-eight thousand of that people, paying their Egyptian
owners a just money equivalent for each. To all these Jews the same
privileges were accorded as to the Macedonians. In consequence of
this considerate treatment, vast numbers of their compatriots and
many Syrians voluntarily came into Egypt. To them the designation
of Hellenistical Jews was given. In like manner, tempted by the
benign government of Soter, multitudes of Greeks sought refuge in
the country, and the invasions of Perdiccas and Antigonus showed
that Greek soldiers would desert from other Macedonian generals
to join is armies.
The population of Alexandria was therefore of three distinct nationalities:
1. Native Egyptians 2. Greeks;
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3. Jews -- a fact that has left an impress on the religious faith
of modern Europe.
Greek architects and Greek engineers had made Alexandria the most
beautiful city of the ancient world. They had filled it with magnificent
palaces, temples, theatres. In its centre, at the intersection of
its two grand avenues, which crossed each other at right angles,
and in the midst of gardens, fountains, obelisks, stood the mausoleum,
in which, embalmed after the manner of the Egyptians, rested the
body of Alexander. In a funereal journey of two years it had been
brought with great pomp from Babylon. At first the coffin was of
pure gold, but this having led to a violation of the tomb, it was
replaced by one of alabaster. But not these, not even the great
light-house, Pharos, built of blocks of white marble and so high
that the fire continually burning on its top could be seen many
miles off at sea -- the Pharos counted as one of the seven wonders
of the world -- it is not these magnificent achievements of architecture
that arrest our attention; the true, the most glorious monument
of the Macedonian kings of Egypt is the Museum. Its influences will
last when even the Pyramids have passed away.
The Alexandrian Museum was commenced by Ptolemy Soter, and was
completed by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus. It was situated in the
Bruchion, the aristocratic quarter of the city, adjoining the king's
palace. Built of marble, it was surrounded with a piazza, in which
the residents might walk and converse together. Its sculptured apartments
contained the Philadelphian library, and were crowded with the choicest
statues and pictures. This library eventually comprised four hundred
thousand volumes. In the course of time, probably on account of
inadequate accommodation for so many
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books, an additional library was established in the adjacent quarter
Rhacotis, and placed in the Serapion or temple of Serapis. The number
of volumes in this library, which was called the Daughter of that
in the Museum, was eventually three hundred thousand. There were,
therefore, seven hundred thousand volumes in these royal collections.
Alexandria was not merely the capital of Egypt, it was the intellectual
metropolis of the world. Here it was truly said the Genius of the
East met the Genius of the West, and this Paris of antiquity became
a focus of fashionable dissipation and universal skepticism. In
the allurements of its bewitching society even the Jews forgot their
patriotism. They abandoned the language of their forefathers, and
adopted Greek.
In the establishment of the Museum, Ptolemy Soter and his son
Philadelphus had three objects in view: 1. The perpetuation of such
knowledge as was then in the world; 2. Its increase; 3. Its diffusion.
1. For the perpetuation of knowledge. Orders were given to the
chief librarian to buy at the king's expense whatever books he could.
A body of transcribers was maintained in the Museum, whose duty
it was to make correct copies of such works as their owners were
not disposed to sell. Any books brought by foreigners into Egypt
were taken at once to the Museum, and, when correct copies had been
made, the transcript was given to the owner, and the original placed
in the library. Often a very large pecuniary indemnity was paid.
Thus It is said of Ptolemy Euergetes that, having obtained from
Athens the works of Euripides, Sophocles, and Æschylus, he
sent to their owners transcripts, together with about fifteen thousand
dollars, as an indemnity. On his return from the Syrian expedition
he carried
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back in triumph all the Egyptian monuments from Ecbatana and Susa,
which Cambyses and other invaders had removed from Egypt. These
he replaced in their original seats, or added as adornments to his
museums. When works were translated as well as transcribed, sums
which we should consider as almost incredible were paid, as was
the case with the Septuagint translation of the Bible, ordered by
Ptolemy Philadelphus.
2. For the increase of knowledge. One of the chief objects of
the Museum was that of serving as the home of a body of men who
devoted themselves to study, and were lodged and maintained at the
king's expense. Occasionally he himself sat at their table. Anecdotes
connected with those festive occasions have descended to our times.
In the original organization of the Museum the residents were divided
into four faculties -- literature; mathematics, astronomy, medicine.
Minor branches were appropriately classified under one of these
general heads; thus natural history was considered to be a branch
of medicine. An officer of very great distinction presided over
the establishment, and had general charge of its interests. Demetrius
Phalareus, perhaps the most learned man of his age, who had been
governor of Athens for many years, was the first so appointed. Under
him was the librarian, an office sometimes held by men whose names
have descended to our times, as Eratosthenes, and Apollonius Rhodius.
In connection with the Museum were a botanical and a zoological
garden. These gardens, as their names import, were for the purpose
of facilitating the study of plants and animals. There was also
an astronomical observatory containing armillary spheres, globes,
solstitial and equatorial armils, astrolabes, parallactic rules,
and other apparatus then in use, the graduation on the
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divided instruments being into degrees and sixths. On the floor
of this observatory a meridian line was drawn. The want of correct
means of measuring time and temperature was severely felt; the clepsydra
of Ctesibius answered very imperfectly for the former, the hydrometer
floating in a cup of water for the latter; it measured variations
of temperature by variations of density. Philadelphus, who toward
the close of his life was haunted with an intolerable dread of death,
devoted much of his time to the discovery of an elixir. For such
pursuits the Museum was provided with a chemical laboratory. In
spite of the prejudices of the age, and especially in spite of Egyptian
prejudices, there was in connection with the medical department
an anatomical room for the dissection, not only of the dead, but
actually of the living, who for crimes had been condemned.
3. For the diffusion of knowledge. In the Museum was given, by
lectures, conversation, or other appropriate methods instruction
in all the various departments of human knowledge. There flocked
to this great intellectual centre, students from all countries.
It is said that at one time not fewer than fourteen thousand were
in attendance. Subsequently even the Christian church received from
it some of the most eminent of its Fathers, as Clemens Alexandrinus,
Origen, Athanasius.
The library in the Museum was burnt during the siege of Alexandria
by Julius Cæsar. To make amends for this great loss, that
collected by Eumenes, King of Pergamus, was presented by Mark Antony
to Queen Cleopatra. Originally it was founded as a rival to that
of the Ptolemies. It was added to the collection in the Serapion.
It remains now to describe briefly the philosophical
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basis of the Museum, and some of its contributions to the stock
of human knowledge.
In memory of the illustrious founder of this most noble institution
-- an institution which antiquity delighted to call "The divine
school of Alexandria" -- we must mention in the first rank
his "History of the Campaigns of Alexander." Great as
a soldier and as a sovereign, Ptolemy Soter added to his glory by
being an author. Time, which has not been able to destroy the memory
of our obligations to him, has dealt unjustly by his work. It is
not now extant.
As might be expected from the friendship that existed between
Alexander, Ptolemy, and Aristotle, the Aristotelian philosophy was
the intellectual corner-stone on which the Museum rested. King Philip
had committed the education of Alexander to Aristotle, and during
the Persian campaigns the conqueror contributed materially, not
only in money, but otherwise, toward the "Natural History"
then in preparation.
The essential principle of the Aristotelian philosophy was, to
rise from the study of particulars to a knowledge of general principles
or universals, advancing to them by induction. The induction is
the more certain as the facts on which it is based are more numerous;
its correctness is established if it should enable us to predict
other facts until then unknown. This system implies endless toil
in the collection of facts, both by experiment and observation;
it implies also a close meditation on them. It is, therefore, essentially
a method of labor and of reason, not a method of imagination. The
failures that Aristotle himself so often exhibits are no proof of
its unreliability, but rather of its trustworthiness. They are failures
arising from want of a sufficiency of facts.
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Some of the general results at which Aristotle arrived are very
grand. Thus, he concluded that every thing is ready to burst into
life, and that the various organic forms presented to us by Nature
are those which existing conditions permit. Should the conditions
change, the forms will also change. Hence there is an unbroken chain
from the simple element through plants and animals up to man, the
different groups merging by insensible shades into each other.
The inductive philosophy thus established by Aristotle is a method
of great power. To it all the modern advances in science are due.
In its most improved form it rises by inductions from phenomena
to their causes, and then, imitating the method of the Academy,
it descends by deductions from those causes to the detail of phenomena.
While thus the Scientific School of Alexandria was founded on
the maxims of one great Athenian philosopher, the Ethical School
was founded on the maxims of another, for Zeno, though a Cypriote
or Phoenician, had for many years been established at Athens. His
disciples took the name of Stoics. His doctrines long survived him,
and, in times when there was no other consolation for man, offered
a support in the hour of trial, and an unwavering guide in the vicissitudes
of life, not only to illustrious Greeks, but also to many of the
great philosophers, statesmen, generals, and emperors of Rome.
The aim of Zeno was, to furnish a guide for the daily practice
of life, to make men virtuous. He insisted that education is the
true foundation of virtue, for, if we know what is good, we shall
incline to do it. We must trust to sense, to furnish the data of
knowledge, and reason will suitably combine them. In this the affinity
of Zeno to Aristotle is plainly seen. Every appetite,
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lust, desire, springs from imperfect knowledge. Our nature is imposed
upon us by Fate, but we must learn to control our passions, and
live free, intelligent, virtuous, in all things in accordance with
reason. Our existence should be intellectual, we should survey with
equanimity all pleasures and all pains. We should never forget that
we are freemen, not the slaves of society. "I possess,"
said the Stoic, "a treasure which not all the world can rob
me of -- no one can deprive me of death." We should remember
that Nature in her operations aims at the universal, and never spares
individuals, but uses them as means for the accomplishment of her
ends. It is, therefore, for us to submit to Destiny, cultivating,
as the things necessary to virtue, knowledge, temperance, fortitude,
justice. We must remember that every thing around us is in mutation;
decay follows reproduction, and reproduction decay, and that it
is useless to repine at death in a world where every thing is dying.
As a cataract shows from year to year an invariable shape, though
the water composing it is perpetually changing, so the aspect of
Nature is nothing more than a flow of matter presenting an impermanent
form. The universe, considered as a whole, is unchangeable. Nothing
is eternal but space, atoms, force. The forms of Nature that we
see are essentially transitory, they must all pass away.
We must bear in mind that the majority of men are imperfectly
educated, and hence we must not needlessly offend the religious
ideas of our age. It is enough for us ourselves to know that, though
there is a Supreme Power, there is no Supreme Being. There is an
invisible principle, but not a personal God, to whom it would be
not so much blasphemy as absurdity to impute the form, the sentiments,
the passions of man. All
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revelation is, necessarily, a mere fiction. That which men call
chance is only the effect of an unknown cause. Even of chances there
is a law. There is no such thing as Providence, for Nature proceeds
under irresistible laws, and in this respect the universe is only
a vast automatic engine. The vital force which pervades the world
is what the illiterate call God. The modifications through which
all things are running take place in an irresistible way, and hence
it may be said that the progress of the world is, under Destiny,
like a seed, it can evolve only in a predetermined mode.
The soul of man is a spark of the vital flame, the general vital
principle. Like heat, it passes from one to another, and is finally
reabsorbed or reunited in the universal principle from which it
came. Hence we must not expect annihilation, but reunion; and, as
the tired man looks forward to the insensibility of sleep, so the
philosopher, weary of the world, should look forward to the tranquillity
of extinction. Of these things, however, we should think doubtingly,
since the mind can produce no certain knowledge from its internal
resources alone. It is unphilosophical to inquire into first causes;
we must deal only with phenomena. Above all, we must never forget
that man cannot ascertain absolute truth, and that the final result
of human inquiry into the matter is, that we are incapable of perfect
knowledge; that, even if the truth be in our possession, we cannot
be sure of it.
What, then, remains for us? Is it not this -- the acquisition
of knowledge, the cultivation of virtue and of friendship, the observance
of faith and truth, an unrepining submission to whatever befalls
us, a life led in accordance with reason?
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But, though the Alexandrian Museum was especially intended for the
cultivation of the Aristotelian philosophy, it must not be supposed
that other systems were excluded. Platonism was not only carried
to its full development, but in the end it supplanted Peripateticism,
and through the New Academy left a permanent impress on Christianity.
The philosophical method of Plato was the inverse of that of Aristotle.
Its starting-point was universals, the very existence of which was
a matter of faith, and from these it descended to particulars, or
details. Aristotle, on the contrary, rose from particulars to universals,
advancing to them by inductions.
Plato, therefore, trusted to the imagination, Aristotle to reason.
The former descended from the decomposition of a primitive idea
into particulars, the latter united particulars into a general conception.
Hence the method of Plato was capable of quickly producing what
seemed to be splendid, though in reality unsubstantial results;
that of Aristotle was more tardy in its operation, but much more
solid. It implied endless labor in the collection of facts, a tedious
resort to experiment and observation, the application of demonstration.
The philosophy of Plato is a gorgeous castle in the air; that of
Aristotle a solid structure, laboriously, and with many failures,
founded on the solid rock.
An appeal to the imagination is much more alluring than the employment
of reason. In the intellectual decline of Alexandria, indolent methods
were preferred to laborious observation and severe mental exercise.
The schools of Neo-Platonism were crowded with speculative mystics,
such as Ammonius Saccas and Plotinus. These took the place of the
severe geometers of the old Museum.
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The Alexandrian school offers the first example of that system which,
in the hands of modern physicists, has led to such wonderful results.
It rejected imagination, and made its theories the expression of
facts obtained by experiment and observation, aided by mathematical
discussion. It enforced the principle that the true method of studying
Nature is by experimental interrogation. The researches of Archimedes
in specific gravity, and the works of Ptolemy on optics, resemble
our present investigations in experimental philosophy, and stand
in striking contrast with the speculative vagaries of the older
writers. Laplace says that the only observation which the history
of astronomy offers us, made by the Greeks before the school of
Alexandria, is that of the summer solstice of the year B. C. 432.
by Meton and Euctemon. We have, for the first time, in that school,
a combined system of observations made with instruments for the
measurement of angles, and calculated by trigonometrical methods.
Astronomy then took a form which subsequent ages could only perfect.
It does not accord with the compass or the intention of this work
to give a detailed account of the contributions of the Alexandrian
Museum to the stock of human knowledge. It is sufficient that the
reader should obtain a general impression of their character. For
particulars, I may refer him to the sixth chapter of my "History
of the Intellectual Development of Europe."
It has just been remarked that the Stoical philosophy doubted
whether the mind can ascertain absolute truth. While Zeno was indulging
in such doubts, Euclid was preparing his great work, destined to
challenge contradiction from the whole human race. After more than
twenty-two centuries it still survives, a model
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of accuracy, perspicuity, and a standard of exact demonstration.
This great geometer not only wrote on other mathematical topics,
such as Conic Sections and Porisms, but there are imputed to him
treatises on Harmonics and Optics, the latter subject being discussed
on the hypothesis of rays issuing from the eye to the object.
With the Alexandrian mathematicians and physicists must be classed
Archimedes, though he eventually resided in Sicily. Among his mathematical
works were two books on the Sphere and Cylinder, in which he gave
the demonstration that the solid content of a sphere is two-thirds
that of its circumscribing cylinder. So highly did he esteem this,
that he directed the diagram to be engraved on his tombstone. He
also treated of the quadrature of the circle and of the parabola;
he wrote on Conoids and Spheroids, and on the spiral that bears
his name, the genesis of which was suggested to him by his friend
Conon the Alexandrian. As a mathematician, Europe produced no equal
to him for nearly two thousand years. In physical science he laid
the foundation of hydrostatics; invented a method for the determination
of specific gravities; discussed the equilibrium of floating bodies;
discovered the true theory of the lever, and invented a screw, which
still bears his name, for raising the water of the Nile. To him
also are to be attributed the endless screw, and a peculiar form
of burning-mirror, by which, at the siege of Syracuse, it is said
that he set the Roman fleet on fire.
Eratosthenes, who at one time had charge of the library, was the
author of many important works. Among them may be mentioned his
determination of the interval between the tropics, and an attempt
to ascertain the size of the earth. He considered the articulation
and expansion of continents, the position of mountain-chains,
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the action of clouds, the geological submersion of lands, the elevation
of ancient sea-beds, the opening of the Dardanelles and the straits
of Gibraltar, and the relations of the Euxine Sea. He composed a
complete system of the earth, in three books -- physical, mathematical,
historical -- accompanied by a map of all the parts then known.
It is only of late years that the fragments remaining of his "Chronicles
of the Theban Kings" have been justly appreciated. For many
centuries they were thrown into discredit by the authority of our
existing absurd theological chronology.
It is unnecessary to adduce the arguments relied upon by the Alexandrians
to prove the globular form of the earth. They had correct ideas
respecting the doctrine of the sphere, its poles, axis, equator,
arctic and antarctic circles, equinoctial points, solstices, the
distribution of climates, etc. I cannot do more than merely allude
to the treatises on Conic Sections and on Maxima and Minima by Apollonius,
who is said to have been the first to introduce the words ellipse
and hyperbola. In like manner I must pass the astronomical observations
of Alistyllus and Timocharis. It was to those of the latter on Spica
Virginis that Hipparchus was indebted for his great discovery of
the precession of the eqninoxes. Hipparchus also determined the
first inequality of the moon, the equation of the centre. He adopted
the theory of epicycles and eccentrics, a geometrical conception
for the purpose of resolving the apparent motions of the heavenly
bodies on the principle of circular movement. He also undertook
to make a catalogue of the stars by the method of alineations --
that is, by indicating those that are in the same apparent straight
line. The number of stars so catalogued was 1,080. If he thus attempted
to depict the aspect
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of the sky, he endeavored to do the same for the surface of the
earth, by marking the position of towns and other places by lines
of latitude and longitude. He was the first to construct tables
of the sun and moon.
In the midst of such a brilliant constellation of geometers, astronomers,
physicists, conspicuously shines forth Ptolemy, the author of the
great work, "Syntaxis," "a Treatise on the Mathematical
Construction of the Heavens." It maintained its ground for
nearly fifteen hundred years, and indeed was only displaced by the
immortal "Principia" of Newton. It commences with the
doctrine that the earth is globular and fixed in space, it describes
the construction of a table of chords, and instruments for observing
the solstices, it deduces the obliquity of the ecliptic, it finds
terrestrial latitudes by the gnomon, describes climates, shows how
ordinary may be converted into sidereal time, gives reasons for
preferring the tropical to the sidereal year, furnishes the solar
theory on the principle of the sun's orbit being a simple eccentric,
explains the equation of time, advances to the discussion of the
motions of the moon, treats of the first inequality, of her eclipses,
and the motion of her nodes. It then gives Ptolemy's own great discovery
-- that which has made his name immortal -- the discovery of the
moon's evection or second inequality, reducing it to the epicyclic
theory. It attempts the determination of the distances of the sun
and moon from the earth -- with, however, only partial success.
It considers the precession of the equinoxes, the discovery of Hipparchus,
the full period of which is twenty-five thousand years. It gives
a catalogue of 1,022 stars, treats of the nature of the milky-way,
and discusses in the most masterly manner the motions of the planets.
This point constitutes another of Ptolemy's claims to
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scientific fame. His determination of the planetary orbits was accomplished
by comparing his own observations with those of former astronomers,
among them the observations of Timocharis on the planet Venus.
In the Museum of Alexandria, Ctesibius invented the fire-engine.
His pupil, Hero, improved it by giving it two cylinders. There,
too, the first steam-engine worked. This also was the invention
of Hero, and was a reaction engine, on the principle of the eolipile.
The silence of the halls of Serapis was broken by the water-clocks
of Ctesibius and Apollonius, which drop by drop measured time. When
the Roman calendar had fallen into such confusion that it had become
absolutely necessary to rectify it, Julius Cæsar brought Sosigenes
the astronomer from Alexandria. By his advice the lunar year was
abolished, the civil year regulated entirely by the sun, and the
Julian calendar introduced.
The Macedonian rulers of Egypt have been blamed for the manner
in which they dealt with the religious sentiment of their time.
They prostituted it to the purpose of state-craft, finding in it
a means of governing their lower classes. To the intelligent they
gave philosophy.
But doubtless they defended this policy by the experience gathered
in those great campaigns which had made the Greeks the foremost
nation of the world. They had seen the mythological conceptions
of their ancestral country dwindle into fables; the wonders with
which the old poets adorned the Mediterranean had been discovered
to be baseless illusions. From Olympus its divinities had disappeared;
indeed, Olympus itself had proved to be a phantom of the imagination.
Hades had lost its terrors; no place could be found for it.
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From the woods and grottoes and rivers of Asia Minor the local gods
and goddesses had departed; even their devotees began to doubt whether
they had ever been there. If still the Syrian damsels lamented,
in their amorous ditties, the fate of Adonis, it was only as a recollection,
not as a reality. Again and again had Persia changed her national
faith. For the revelation of Zoroaster she had substituted Dualism;
then under new political influences she had adopted Magianism. She
had worshiped fire, and kept her altars burning on mountain-tops.
She had adored the sun. When Alexander came, she was fast falling
into pantheism
On a country to which in its political extremity the indigenous
gods have been found unable to give any protection, a change of
faith is impending. The venerable divinities of Egypt, to whose
glory obelisks had been raised and temples dedicated, had again
and again submitted to the sword of a foreign conqueror. In the
land of the Pyramids, the Colossi, the Sphinx, the images of the
gods had ceased to represent living realities. They had ceased to
be objects of faith. Others of more recent birth were needful, and
Serapis confronted Osiris. In the shops and streets of Alexandria
there were thousands of Jews who had forgotten the God that had
made his habitation behind the veil of the temple.
Tradition, revelation, time, all had lost their influence. The
traditions of European mythology, the revelations of Asia, the time-consecrated
dogmas of Egypt, all had passed or were fast passing away. And the
Ptolemies recognized how ephemeral are forms of faith.
But the Ptolemies also recognized that there is something more
durable than forms of faith, which, like the organic forms of geological
ages, once gone, are clean gone forever, and have no restoration,
no return. They
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recognized that within this world of transient delusions and unrealities
there is a world of eternal truth.
That world is not to be discovered through the vain traditions
that have brought down to us the opinions of men who lived in the
morning of civilization, nor in the dreams of mystics who thought
that they were inspired. It is to be discovered by the investigations
of geometry, and by the practical interrogation of Nature. These
confer on humanity solid, and innumerable, and inestimable blessings.
The day will never come when any one of the propositions of Euclid
will be denied; no one henceforth will call in question the globular
shape of the earth, as recognized by Eratosthenes; the world will
not permit the great physical inventions and discoveries made in
Alexandria and Syracuse to be forgotten. The names of Hipparchus,
of Apollonius, of Ptolemy, of Archimedes, will be mentioned with
reverence by men of every religious profession, as long as there
are men to speak.
The Museum of Alexandria was thus the birthplace of modern science.
It is true that, long before its establishment, astronomical observations
had been made in China and Mesopotamia; the mathematics also had
been cultivated with a certain degree of success in India. But in
none of these countries had investigation assumed a connected and
consistent form; in none was physical experimentation resorted to.
The characteristic feature of Alexandrian, as of modern science,
is, that it did not restrict itself to observation, but relied on
a practical interrogation of Nature.
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